The confusing investigation into what is called the "Ergenekon case" began in 2007, after a cache of grenades was found in a house in Istanbul's Ümraniye district on June 12, 2007. Since the discovery, the investigation was expanded and dozens of people were later arrested. Over one hundred people, including respected journalists, writers, NGO leaders, politicians, businessmen, academicians, former members of the military, and so-called "Ergenekon  gang" members, were detained in several waves of raids. Arrests made during controversial dawn raids generated public outrage, based on the fact that some indictments had not been served until more than one year after the arrests. The trial began on Oct. 20, 2008, however, the scope of the investigation has broadened so much that several of the key figures arrested were not indicted the day the trail opened and are expected to face trial later.

The case has made international headlines due to the undefined nature of the "shadowy" network, and the chaotic manner in which the investigation and trial has thus far been conducted. Recent headlines read: "Ergenekon trials: gross incompetence";  "Chaos mars trial of 86 accused in Turkey coup plot";  "Turkish courtroom chaos delays trial";  "Turkish trial of 86 alleged plotters opens chaotically";  "Chaotic scenes during the trial of Turkey's 'deep state.'"

The suspects are accused of membership to a criminal organization that allegedly plotted to overthrow the country's Islamist-rooted AKP government. The plans included spreading chaos and mayhem, plotting an armed uprising, and staging a coup. There are also suggestions that members might have been involved in the attack on the Council of State in 2006, and perhaps in other political murders.The indictment, made public in June 2008, claims Ergenekon is behind a series of political assassinations over the past two decades. Suspects have been accused of being members of a so-called "terrorist organisation" which was planning other bombings and assassinations designed to force military action and topple the Islamic-oriented Justice and Development Party (AKP) government.

Despite an overcrowed courtroom with inadequate infrastructure to accomodate the case, judges began hearing the indictment against the alleged conspirators on Oct. 20, 2008. Due to conditions set by the court, including a limit placed on the number of lawyers who could enter the courtroom, a debate has intensified as to whether defendants can get a fair. Members of the press also complained that conditions prevented them from working properly. The trial began with 86 defendants, 46 of whom are being held in custody. 

Public divided 

The trial, which is the culmination of a 16-month investigation and a 2455-page indictment, has divided opinion in Turkey. 

The Islamic-oriented ruling AK Party has long championed the case as the first crackdown in Turkey on "the deep state," which has been described to act outside the judicial and political parameters of the state, and to have had links to NATO "stay-behind" paramilitary operations (also referred to as 'Gladios' or counter-guerrilla organisations).

Opponents, however, point to the ever-widening circle of the accused -- which now includes critical journalists, opposition politicians and even a famous transsexual actress -- as evidence that the case is simply a means for the government to silence critics and pursue a hidden agenda to expand the role of Islam in rigorously secular Turkey.

Critics and opponents also believe that the objective of the politically motivated investigation is to undermine patriotic secular forces, as well as organizations and institutions, including the staunchly secular military (with the aim of tarnishing the military's image in the eyes of the public).

The Western media has described the trial as part of an ongoing struggle between secularist nationalists and Islamists in Turkey, which now reflects a widening division between the country's growing Islamic class and secular foes.

The case is clouded by criticism of political involvement by the AKP
Summary of the "Deniz Feneri" AKP linked corruption scandal ("Lighthouse case")

Journalists and secularists question motivation behind arrests 

Many people have criticized the manner in which the Ergenekon investigation is being conducted, viewing it as a biased investigation that has been grossly misconducted, citing in particular political motivations, wiretapping in breach of privacy laws, and the length of the 2455-page indictment which places an unmanageable burden on the court and jeopardizes the chances of reaching a just resolution of the case. The media's coverage of the investigation has also been criticized for spreading inaccurate information, as well as court information not to be disclosed. Many journalists believe that the aim of the Ergenekon investigation is to create public fear.

The arrest and detentions have been contested by a diverse public which includes leftists, rightists, secularists, nationalists, supporters of the Cumhuriyet newspaper, members of the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), as well as a wide range of organizations who have been protesting in Turkey. Many of the critics believe the investigation is a politically motivated bid by the Islamist-rooted AKP to weaken the pillars of the secular state, including the military which is one of the most powerful pillars.

The controversial "Ergenekon case" has divided the public into three camps. One camp believes the case is being used as a cover by the government to suppress its opponents, while another camp, mostly pro-AKP supporters and their media organs, say the case is a major step forward in efforts to enhance Turkey's democracy. The third camp believes that the trial will not result in enhanced democracy, as the indictment for the case is weak.

In addition, the ruling AKP has been accused of trying to link the Ergenekon case to the attempt to close the AKP. Critics accuse the Islamist-rooted government of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan of turning the trial into a witchhunt targeting secularist opponents. Erdogan is increasingly under pressure to show that the trial is not a witchhunt.

Nation gripped by controversial arrests & trial opening

Those indicted to stand trial will answer about 30 separate charges in the 2,455-page document, ranging from membership to a "terrorist organization" and instigating an armed uprising against the government, to arson and illegal possession of weapons. The public gripped by the arrests and controversial manner in which the trial has begun, is also concerned with the health of suspects, especially after Kuddusi Okkır, who was in custody for nearly a year without having an indictment written, died only a few days after his release. There is also intense public concern over the health of Şener Eruygur, who was arrested as a suspect and suffered a cerebral hemorrhage caused by a fall in prison.

The following 86 people have been charged as of July 14, 2008: 

OKTAY YILDIRIM, MEHMET DEMİRTAŞ, ALİ YİĞİT, MUZAFFER TEKİN, MAHMUT ÖZTÜRK, GAZİ GÜDER, AYŞE ASUMAN ÖZDEMİR, HALİL BEHİC GÜRCİHAN, İSMAİL YILDIZ, KEMAL ŞAHİN, MEHMET MURAT YÜCEL, FERUDUN REFİK NUHOĞLU, HAYRULLAH MAHMUT ÖZGÜR, ERGÜN POYRAZ, BEKİR ÖZTÜRK, FUAT ERMİŞ, TUĞRUL DERME, METE YALAZANGİL, AYDIN YÜKSEK, MUZAFFER ŞENOCAK, FİKRET EMEK, MEHMET ZEKERİYA ÖZTÜRK, RAFET ARSLAN, ZEKİ YURDAKUL ÇAĞMAN, TUNCAY HACIBEKTAŞOĞLU, SAİPİR DEBZLELVİDZE, İSMAİL EKSİK, VELİ KÜÇÜK, SEVGİ ERENEROL, MUAMMER KARABULUT, VEDAT YENERER, GÜLER KÖMÜRCÜ, GÜLER KÖMÜRCÜ, ÜMİT OĞUZTAN, SAMİ HOŞTAN, SEDAT PEKER, SEMİH TUFAN GÜLALTAY, ALİ YASAK, VATAN BÖLÜKBAŞOĞLU, ORHAN TUNÇ, HABİP ÜMİT SAYIN, EMİN GÜRSES, KEMAL YALÇIN ALEMDAROĞLU, SERHAN BOLLUK, DOĞU PERİNÇEK, FERİD İLSEVER, MEHMET ADNAN AKFIRAT, HİKMET ÇİÇEK, HAYATİ ÖZCAN, İBRAHİM BENLİ, MAHİR ÇAYAN GÖNGÜR, YUSUF TUNCER, AYDIN GERGİN, YUSUF BEŞİRİK, İLHAN SELÇUK, KEMAL KERİNÇSİZ, FUAT TURGUT, HAYRETTİN ERTEKİN, NUSRET SENEM, ABDULMUTTALİP TONCER, MURAT ÖZKAN, SATILMIŞ BALKAŞ, ASİM DEMİR, ATİLLA AKSU, MEHMET FİKRİ KARADAĞ, HÜSEYİN GÖRÜM, ERKUT ERSOY, KAHRAMAN ŞAHİN, EROL ÖLMEZ, ABDULLAH ARAPOĞULLARI, ERDAL İRTEN, ARİF GÖRÜM, YUSUF GÖRÜM, OĞUZ ALPASLAN ABDULKADİR, RECEP GÖKHAM SİPAHİOĞLU, MUHAMMET YÜCE, SELİM AKKURT, COŞKUN ÇALIK, AYHAN ÇELİK, HÜSEYİN GAZİ OĞUZ, TANJU OKAN, YAŞAR ASLANKÖYLÜ, İHSAN GÖKTAŞ, RASİH GÖRÜM, ALİ KUTLU, MURAT ÇAĞLAR.

During the latest wave of detainments in September 2008 detainees and suspects included: Tuncay Özkan (journalist, former owner of Kanal Türk TV station and leader of pro-secularism rallies), Duygu Dikmenoğlu (television anchor), Emcet Olcaytu (legal adviser), Tuncay Mollaveyisoğlu (Kanalturk employee), Evrim Baykara (NGO member), Adnan Bulut (television executive), Gürbüz Çapan (former mayor of Istanbul's Esenyurt district and a shareholder of Cumhuriyet newspaper), Tanju Güvendiren (former member of the Military Supreme Court of Appeals), Mesut Özcan (cardiologist), Mahir Akkar (civil servant), Hasan Kılıçarslan (retired policeman), Serdar Saçan (police chief), Şafak Akbaş (forensicist), Yıldıray Başaran (forensicist), Mustafa Tavşan (forensicist) and Dr. Hüseyin Nazlıkul.
List of detained suspects

In October 2008, the name of Tuncay Güney, a questionable former journalist living in Canada, was also included in the indictment (although his name repeatedly appears, he is neither a defendant, nor a witness). Since the trial began, Güney has been giving interviews to the Turkish media, in which he appears to reveal information not cited in the indictment, but that appears to be vital. In 2001 after he was arrested, information related to the case was allegedly found in his home during a police raid. Güney who lives in Toronto, reportedly is an assistant rabbi at the Jacob House Jewish Community Center. The center is not registered with, or recognized by various Jewish organizations. Güney, known in the Turkish press as "Rabbi Daniel Levi," is a former journalist whose reputed ties with various secret service organizations, both domestic and international, are allegedly documented. Güney has been described as an Ergenekon informant. Because of his dubious allegations about the case, and interviews provided from Canada to the Turkish media, on Nov. 3, 2008 a court decision was made to seek approval from the Istanbul Attorney General's office for the issuance of a subpoena to compel him to answer questions. In December 2008 an inquiry was launched into the links between Güney and Ergenekon members. 
Newsweek Türkiye 

Sources: Wikipedia Oct. 24, 2008
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ergenekon 

Clandestine NATO "stay-behind" paramilitary operations
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Gladio 

BBC NEWS

By Sarah Rainsford - Istanbul, BBC News

23 October 2008

Even excluding its many appendices, the indictment is a massive 2,455 pages-long.

It describes an incredible-sounding plot linking lawyers, academics, a mafia man, a hitman and former members of the military, in an alleged ultra-nationalist conspiracy to topple Turkey's Islamist-rooted government.

In all, 86 suspects are now on trial, facing charges ranging from possession of firearms to running an armed terrorist organisation.

The first clue to this shadowy network was discovered last summer in the small pink house of a former military officer, next door to an Istanbul fish restaurant. Inside was a cache of hand grenades and explosives.

"The Ergenekon terror organisation is known as the 'deep state' in our country and organises many bloody activities aiming to create an atmosphere of serious crisis, chaos, anarchy and terror," writes prosecutor Zekeriya Oz, in an indictment drawn-up after months of police investigation, raids and extensive phone-taps.

Its purpose, he says, is "to weaken the country's administration [and] justify an illegal intervention against the government."

Polarising case

The prosecutor links Ergenekon to the murder of a secularist judge in 2006 and a grenade attack on the Istanbul office of Cumhuriyet newspaper, a publication known for its opposition to the religious-minded government.

Previously ascribed to an Islamic fundamentalist, the attacks are now described as the first stage of Ergenekon's campaign to stoke divisions and unrest.

The indictment also cites an alleged hit-list, including Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Nobel prize-winning writer Orhan Pamuk as targets.

Such details have excited intense interest in Turkey, but the case is dividing public opinion.

To some, it is a clear travesty of justice.

Earlier this year the prime minister's religious conservative governing party, the AK Party, was tried and acquitted of trying to Islamise Turkey - which was founded as a strictly secular state. Critics now accuse the party of taking revenge on its opponents, including the military.

"I think this government is using the case to establish a dictatorship in Turkey," says Leyla Tavsanoglu, a columnist for Cumhuriyet. Her newspaper's elderly editor - a staunch secularist - has been arrested in a dawn police-raid on his house.

"Now everyone is subdued. They have clamped down on the democratic opposition and everyone is afraid that one day they will be included in another wave of arrests," Ms Tavsanoglu explains.

Some have stopped using mobile phones just in case.

'Deep state'

To others though, the Ergenekon trial is a watershed in Turkey's democratisation.

Two retired generals have been charged in connection with the case, although their indictment has not been released yet.

Their arrest is unprecedented in a country that has seen four military coups and whose generals have long been a powerful political force.

One of the central pieces of evidence in the case, a document entitled "Lobi", describes Ergenekon as operating "under the Turkish armed forces".

In his indictment, the prosecutor records having sent an official inquiry about that to the army's general staff, and to and Turkish intelligence - both denied the link.

But liberal commentators say the prosecutor has a duty to use this trial for a thorough investigation of the claim, to root-out any rogue elements within Turkey's security forces.

"In Europe, these 'Gladios' or counter-guerrilla organisations were discovered and removed from the state and the army. In Turkey, we never confronted them and what they were doing," says Oral Calislar, a writer for Radikal liberal newspaper.

Many Turks talk darkly of a "deep state" - groups they suspect of links to the security forces since the 1950s, formed to carry out illegal activities, including assassinations, to "protect" the republic.

Their alleged crimes include the murder of many prominent writers and intellectuals and the disappearance and killing of many Kurds during the Kurdish conflict in the 1990s.

First confirmation of those suspicions came in 1996, when the passengers in a fatal car crash in Susurluk revealed clear links between state security officers, organised criminals and politicians.

It emerged that a senior police chief, a prominent MP and a wanted assassin were travelling in the car together. The assassin - a nationalist militant - was carrying government-backed diplomatic ID.

The main perceived threat to the state at that time was Kurdish separatism. Earlier, communism was the danger. Today, it is political Islam and the AK Party.

'Demand for democracy'

So much of the buzz surrounding the Ergenekon trial is over whether Turkey's "deep state" will finally be exposed and eradicated.

"I believe there are so many connections with the army. We want to discover all of them with this trial," says Mr Calislar. "We will fight for that because we want to live in a democratic society."

Turkey's democratic transition is what Can Paker believes this case is all about.

The head of the liberal Tesev think-tank describes a power struggle between Turkey's old elite - the civil and military bureaucracy - and a rising urban middle-class. He sees the threat of political Islam as a weapon in the struggle against the AKP and its electorate and suggests Ergenekon emerged from that.

"I believe parts of the military and civil bureaucracy co-operate with them, so that their common benefits will not be disturbed," Mr Paker explains.

"These groups are all against [Turkey joining] the EU because they will lose power, because it will mean more democracy, more individual rights, more transparency. They are prepared to use force and intrigue and any kind of provocative action," he says.

Sceptics maintain serious doubts about the motive and the focus of the prosecutor's Ergenekon enquiry.

Many also doubt it will dig too deep.

But supporters argue the fact the trial is even happening shows how much society has changed.

"There is demand for democracy inside Turkey now, and from outside," Mr Paker explains. "So those [old forces] are going to lose in the end. But at what pace - I don't know."